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Illinois and the Civil War (1861-1865)
Illinois (1861-1865), part 1
Illinois in 1860 had become the fourth state in the Union in population
and wealth, and her advance in power and influence in the councils of the nation had been no less extraordinary than her
local progress, no voice being more potent than that of the Prairie State in shaping the governmental policy and directing
the course of empire. Each of the two great political parties at the North had selected its standard-bearer in the
presidential campaign from the confines of this western commonwealth, and her electoral vote was one of the prizes
so strenuously con- tested for in the canvass that followed the nominations. Al- though in speaking of the country
in general there were candi- dates representing other phases of political opinion, in Illinois they were but side
issues and the great contest was between the Republicans, and the Democracy as represented by Stephen A. Douglas.
And the contest in Illinois was really a continuation and in some respects a repetition of the campaign of 1858, with
the same candidates in different relations. Douglas, the suc- cessful aspirant in the senatorial race of two years
previous, was now the candidate of the Northern wing of the Democracy for the presidency, while Lincoln, who had then
been defeated for senator, was brought to the front against the "Little Giant" and made the candidate of the united
Republicans of the entire country for the higher office of president. No presidential campaign had ever aroused the
intense interest of the people of the state as did this one; but only second in importance to it, in the minds of
the citizens, was the gubernatorial canvass. Richard Yates for the Republicans and James C. Allen for the Democrats
were the opposing candidates for the gubernatorial honors, and the campaign they waged was not only exceedingly brilliant,
but was also the most exciting that the people of the state had experienced in many years. The result of the ballot- ing
showed a fair majority for Mr. Yates, and the general assem- bly which was elected at the same time and which convened
on Jan. 7, 1861, was Republican in both branches — by 1 majority in the senate and 7 in the house.
The
day following the convening of the legislature the retiring governor, John Wood, delivered a message to the law-making
body in which he used the following language in regard to the national difficulties then existing: "If grievances
to any portion of our Confederation have arisen within the Union, let them be redressed within the Union. If unconstitutional
laws, trench- ing upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister states, have found place upon our statute books,
let them be removed. If prejudice and alienation towards any of our fellow-countrymen have fastened upon our minds,
let them be dismissed and for- gotten. Let us be just to ourselves and each other, allowing neither threats to drive
us from what we deem to be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us from correcting wherein we may have erred." He
recommended that, if Illinois had passed any laws tending to obstruct the operation of Federal authority or conflicting
with the constitutional rights of others, they should at once be repealed. Speaking not merely for himself, but reflecting
what he assumed to be the voice of the whole people of Illinois, irrespective of party, as it reached him from all quar-
ters, he adopted the sentiment of President Jackson, "The Federal Union: it must be preserved;" to which sentiment,
he trusted, the legislature would give emphatic expression at an early day.
The new governor was inaugurated
in the presence of both houses of the general assembly, Jan. 14, 1861, and the inaugural message was mainly devoted
to a discussion of the all-absorbing theme of the day. Gov. Yates defended the following propo- sitions: First —
That obedience to the constitution and laws must be insisted upon and enforced as necessary to the existence of government;
Second — That the election of a chief magistrate of the nation, in strict conformity with the constitution, was
not sufficient cause for the release of any state from any of its obli- gations to the Union. These questions were
exhaustively con- sidered in the ablest and most scholarly state-paper that had ever been submitted to an Illinois
legislature. He argued that the valley of the Mississippi must forever remain an undivided territory under one governmental
jurisdiction; and, with keen insight into the future, predicted that as a result of the crisis through which the country
was then passing, the Union would be preserved and the nation honored throughout the civilized world as "one of intelligence
and freedom, of justice, industry and religion, science and art, stronger and more glorious, more renowned, and free,
than ever before."
The action of the people in the South in regard to secession naturally called forth public
expressions of views in the Northern states. Conventions were held in several of these, all looking toward a peaceable
solution of the difficult political problem presented; one of which was a Democratic state-convention held at
Springfield, Jan. 16, attended by 500 delegates. Resolutions were adopted counseling compromise and conciliation, and
declaring that any effort to coerce the seceding states would plunge the country into civil war; denying the right
of secession; and proposing a national convention to amend the constitution, so as to produce harmony and fraternity
throughout the Union.
On February 2 the senate committee on Federal relations reported a series of resolutions,
requesting the governor to appoint five commissioners to attend the Peace Conference to be held at Washington on the
4th of that month, declaring that this appointment was not intended as an expression of opinion in favor of any change
in the Federal Constitution as requisite to secure to the slaveholding states adequate guarantees of their rights,
nor as an approval of the basis of settlement proposed by Virginia, but simply as an expression of their willingness to
unite with that state in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversy in the spirit in which the Constitution
was formed. They further avowed their belief that the appropriate and constitutional method of considering and acting
upon the grievances complained of by the slaveholding states was by the call of a convention for the amendment of
the Constitution as contemplated by the fifth article of that instrument. The resolutions passed by a vote of 13 to
10, and the following com- missioners from Illinois were appointed: Stephen T. Logan, John M. Palmer, John Wood, Burton
C. Cook, and Thomas J. Turner.
Fort Sumter was fired upon, April 12, 1861, was compelled to surrender on the 14th,
and on Monday morning, April 15, the president issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 volun- teers to subdue "combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, and to cause the laws to be duly executed."
Immediately upon the receipt of the president's proclamation, Gov. Yates convened a special session of the legislature,
the call being as follows:
"I, Richard Yates, governor of the state of Illinois, by virtue of the authority vested
in me by the Constitution, hereby con- vene the legislature of said state, and the members of the twenty- second session
of the general assembly are hereby required to be and appear in their respective places, at the capitol, in the city
of Springfield, on Tuesday the 23d day of April, A. D. 1861, for the purpose of enacting such laws and adopting such measures
as may be deemed necessary upon the following subject, to wit: The more perfect organization and equipment of the
militia of this state, and placing the same on the best footing to render efficient assistance to the general government
in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws, and protecting the property and rights of the people; also, the raising
of such money and other means as may be required to carry out the foregoing object, and also to provide for the expenses
of such session. "In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and have caused the great seal of the state to
be hereunto fixed at the city of Springfield, this 15th day of April, 1861."
On the same day, a dispatch having
been received from the secretary of war stating the quota of Illinois under the president's call, the governor issued
his call for "six regiments of militia," and in less than a day forty companies were officially reported as ready
and anxious for service. Up to April 20 sixty-one companies had been positively accepted, and eight others con- ditionally,
so that the complement of Illinois was then exceeded.
There was a union of sentiment among all parties as remark-
able as it was gratifying. Leading Democratic journals came out in condemnation of the secession movement and in favor
of sustaining the government. Stephen A. Douglas was among the first to call upon President Lincoln and tender him
his cor- dial sympathy and support. Arriving in Springfield during the session of the legislature, he was invited
to address that body in joint session. Complying with the request, he gave forth no uncertain sound, and in his masterly
presentation of the issue surpassed all his former efforts in the "eloquence of his unanswerable logic and irresistible
appeals to the people to be loyal to the country." He said:
"For the first time since the adoption of the Federal
Constitu- tion, a wide-spread conspiracy exists to overthrow the best government the sun of heaven ever shone upon.
An invading army is marching upon Washington. The boast has gone forth from the secretary of war of the so-called
Confederate States, that by the first of May the rebel army will be in posses- sion of the national capital, and,
by the first of July, its head- quarters will be in old Independence Hall. "The only question for us is, whether we
shall wait supinely for the invaders, or rush, as one man, to the defense of that we hold most dear. Piratical flags
are afloat on the ocean, under pretended letters of marque. Our great river has been closed to the commerce of the
Northwest. * * * So long as hope remained of peace, I plead and implored for compromise. Now, that all else has failed,
there is but one course left, and that is to rally, as one man, under the flag of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton,
Madison and Franklin. At what time since the gov- ernment was organized, have the constitutional rights of the South
been more secure than now? For the first time since the Constitution was adopted, there is no legal restriction against
the spread of slavery in the territories. When was the Fugitive Slave Law more faithfully executed? What single act
has been done to justify this mad attempt to overthrow the republic? We are told that because a certain party has
carried a presiden- tial election, therefore the South chose to consider their liberties insecure! I had supposed
it was a fundamental principle of American institutions, that the will of the majority, constitu- tionally expressed,
should govern! (Applause.) If a defeat at the ballot-box is to justify rebellion, the future history of the United
States may be read in the past history of Mexico. * * * It is a prodigious crime against the freedom of the world,
to attempt to blot the United States out of the map of Christendom. * * * How long do you think it will be ere the
guillotine is in operation? Allow me to say to my former political enemies, you will not be true to your country if you
seek to make political capital out of these disasters (applause); and to my old friends, you will be false and unworthy
of your prin- ciples if you allow political defeat to convert you into traitors to your national land. (Prolonged
applause.) The shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparations for war. (Storms of applause.")
"Gentlemen, it is our duty to defend our Constitution and protect our flag."
This was the last and greatest
of the senator's forensic efforts at the capital, and coming from one so well known and justly honored in all the
states, was worth more to the cause of the Union in the call to arms than such words from any other living man; and
in his sudden death at this critical and momentous juncture, the cause of the Union sustained a loss greater than that
which followed any mere reverse of arms.
On April 19, the secretary of war telegraphed Gov. Yates to take possession
of Cairo as an important strategic point. At this time there were but few existing military organizations in the state,
chiefly independent companies in the larger cities. The most available commanding officer was Brig.-Gen. Richard Kellogg
Swift of Chicago, who was ordered by the governor to proceed to Cairo as speedily as possible with such force as he could
raise. On April 21 that officer, with commendable de- spatch, was on his way to the supposed danger point with seven companies,
numbering 595 men, armed and equipped.
The first company of volunteers tendered in response to the governor's
call on April 16, was the Zouave Grays of Springfield, Capt. John Cook, and on the same day companies were tendered by
Richard J. Oglesby from Macon county; Benjamin M. Pren- tiss, Adams county; Wilford D. Wyatt, Logan county; George W.
Rives, Edgar county, two companies; John Lynch, Rich- land county; by Gustavus Koerner, five companies from St. Clair;'and
before night of the i8th, fifty companies had been tendered. The legislature convened pursuant to call on April 23,
and on the 25th Gov. Yates sent to it a message in explana- tion of his having taken military possession of Cairo and
garri- soned it with Federal troops. He said in this message:
"The transfer of part of the volunteer forces of
the state to the city of Cairo was made in compliance with an order from the war department, directing a force to
be stationed at Cairo. Simultaneously with the receipt of the order, reliable informa- tion reached me of the existence
of a conspiracy of disaffected persons in other states to seize upon Cairo and the southern portion of the Illinois
Central railroad, and cut off communica- tion with the interior of the state. It was my desire that the honor of this
service should have been given to the patriotic citizens of the counties in the immediate vicinity, but as these were
not at that time organized and armed for patriotic duty, and the necessity for speedy action was imperative, the requisi-
tion was filled from companies previously tendered from other portions of the state."
At this extra session,
the amount appropriated for war pur- poses was $3,500,000. Of this sum $1,000,000 was to organize and equip ten regiments
called out by the state, $500,000 was appropriated to furnish arms for the state and to build a powder magazine, and
$2,000,000 for general purposes of state defense and national aid. The entire militia of the state, consisting of all
the able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 45 years, was to be immediately organized. A bill defining and punishing
treason to the state was passed. The telegraph was put under restraint and measures taken to prevent its rendering
aid to opponents of the government, and every thing was done that was deemed necessary "to place the state in a condition
to sup- press insurrection, repel invasion, and render prompt assistance to the United States government."
Among
those who found their way to Springfield at this time, says John Moses, Gov. Yates' private secretary, in his admirable
work on "Illinois — Historical and Statistical," was Capt. U. S. Grant, late of the regular army. He came from
Galena, bring- ing with him a letter of introduction and commendation from Hon. E. B. Washbume. Maj., afterward Col.
Thomas P. Robb of the governor's staff, having observed Grant waiting with other strangers in the governor's anteroom,
apparently for an interview, and learning from him that he was desirous of offering his services to the state, introduced
him to his excellency. Robb was impressed with the modest deportment of the visitor, and when the governor made the
routine reply to Grant's offer that he knew of no opening just then, that every place was filled. and appealed to Robb
to confirm his statement, the latter replied that he believed they were short of help in the adjutant-general's office;
and proposed that Grant should be given a desk there for the time being. The governor readily consented and Grant was
accordingly set at work arranging, filing and copying papers. One morning a few days afterward Gov. Yates informed Maj.
Robb that the services of a regular-army officer had become indispensable in the camps of rendezvous to perfect organiza-
tions and keep down insubordination and ordered him to proceed to Cincinnati to procure the services of a captain
of the regular army then there, Capt. John Pope, who had been stationed at Camp Yates, having been ordered to St.
Louis. To this order Capt. Grant, who had quietly entered the room, was a listener. He reminded the governor of his
military training and former experience in the army, which seemed to have been overlooked, and suggested that he could
be made much more useful in the service than in occupying a subordinate clerical position. Yates replied, "Why, Captain,
you are just the man we want!" And on that day Grant was installed as commandant of Camp Yates. He remained in the
state service, discharging camp duties and mustering in regiments at various points, from May 8 to June 26. When the
question arose as to who should succeed Col. S. S. Goode — temporarily in command of the 21st regiment, under
whom the men refused to muster for the three years' service on account of his alleged bad habits — several names
were considered for the position. Capt. Grant had been sent to Mattoon to muster in the regiment and had made so favorable
an impression upon the officers and men, that several of the for- mer had written letters to the governor requesting
his appoint- ment. Still, other names were canvassed. Finally "Uncle Jesse"— as auditor of state Dubois was
familiarly called — who had an extensive acquaintance in the state, and whose judgment of men and things could
be relied upon with the greatest cer- tainty of its correctness, remarked at the conference: "This regiment was raised
in my old district, I know its situation and the boys who compose it. The man to place at its head in my opinion,
as well as in that of its officers, is U. S. Grant." There was no further hesitation; the appointment was made; Grant
took command on June 16, and the remainder of his military career is an important part of the history of the war.
Early in May Col. and ex-Gov. John Wood was appointed state quartermaster-general, and Col. John Williams, an
old and honored business man of Springfield, commissary-general. The newly-created department of army auditors was
organized as follows: commissioners, James H. Woodworth, president; Charles H. Lanphier and William Thomas; George
Judd, secre- tary. Since the Black-Hawk war the office of adjutant-general had lapsed into a state of disuse. It had
been in existence without apparent excuse, the people being so absorbed in ordi- nary pursuits as to have neither
time nor inclination for culti- vating the martial spirit. Thomas S. Mather had been appointed to the office by Gov.
Bissell in 1858 and had developed a decided fondness and marked aptitude for the organization of military companies.
He took a just pride in awakening the military enthusiasm among young men of his acquaintance in Spring- field and
other large towns. As early as February he had been sent by the governor on a confidential mission to Gen. Scott at Washington,
for the purpose of procuring arms for the state, and had succeeded in obtaining an order on the St. Louis arsenal for
10,000 muskets. The demand for these guns was not made at the time, owing to the grave doubts of those in authority of
their being able to execute it in the then disturbed condition of public sentiment in St. Louis. In April Capt. James
H. Stokes of Chicago, on hearing of the difficulty, volunteered to obtain the arms at all hazards. Having received
from Gov. Yates the necessary authority, he was admitted into the arsenal, and al- though informed by the commandant
that the secessionists, who were on the watch, would not permit him to remove them, he had the arms boxed ready for
shipment. On the night of April 25 he caused the steamer City of Alton to be brought to the arsenal wharf, and before
daylight steamed up the river for Alton with 10,000 muskets, 500 new rifle-carbines, 500 revolvers, besides some cannon
and cartridges. It was a daringly planned and successfully executed expedition — the first of the war in the
West — and gave to Illinois the arms she so much needed and which, if not transferred at the time, might possibly
have been seized by the Confederates a few days thereafter.
John B. Wyman was appointed first assistant adjutant-gen-
eral, April 19, and on going to the field as colonel of the 13th in- fantry, he was succeeded by John S. Loomis, who
had been act- ing as second assistant. Daniel L. Gold was appointed second assistant, Aug. 17. Charles H. Adams, afterward
lieutenant- colonel of the 1st artillery; Joseph H. Tucker, afterward colonel of the 69th infantry; John James Richards
of Chicago; and Edward P. Niles, acted at different times as assistant adjutant- generals.
The six regiments
apportioned to Illinois under the first call for volunteers were raised, organized and sent to Cairo during the latter
part of April and early part of May. "In token of respect to the six Illinois regiments in Mexico;" their designated numbers
were to begin with seven and end with twelve, and they were to be known as the "first brigade Illinois volunteers." Gen.
Benjamin' M. Prentiss was elected brigadier-general over Capt. Pope, and was placed in command at Cairo, relieving Gen.
Swift. These six regiments were at first mustered in for only three months, but at the expiration of their term of service,
2,000 out of the 4,680 volunteers reenlisted, were reorganized, and remustered for three years. These first regiments
were commanded respectively by Cols. John Cook, Richard J. Ogles- by, Eleazer A. Paine, James D. Morgan, Wm. H. L.
Wallace, and John McArthur.
Under the second call of the president the ten regiments, one from each Congressional
district, for whose formation provision had already been made at the special session of the legislature, were organized
from two hundred companies immediately tendered, and were mustered into service within 60 days. (See Record of the
Regiments.)
The large number of volunteers in excess of what could be received in Illinois, enlisted in Missouri
and other states, a sufficient number in some instances to constitute a majority of their respective companies and
regiments, and which were subsequently changed into Illinois regiments, namely, the 9th Mo. to the 59th Ill., and
Birge's sharpshooters to the 66th Ill. In May, June and July, seventeen additional infantry and five cavalry regiments
were authorized by the secretary of war, and were speedily raised and organized. The following batter- ies were also
organized and mustered in July: Capts. Charles M. Willard's, Ezra Taylor's, Charles Houghtaling's, Edward McAllister's,
Peter Davidson's, Riley Madison's, and Caleb Hopkins'.
On July 22, the day after the first battle of Bull Run,
the president issued a call for 500,000 troops. On the following day Gov. Yates responded by tendering thirteen additional
infantry regiments, three of cavalry, and a battalion of artillery, most of them now ready to rendezvous, and stating
that "Illi- nois demands the right to do her full share in the work of pre- serving our glorious Union from the assaults
of high-handed rebellion." This tender was at once accepted, and under it the 29th to 32nd, inclusive, the 38th, 43d,
46th, 48th, 49th and 50th infantry, and the 3d, 6th and 7th cavalry were organized.
The governor was indefatigable in his efforts to provide for the army which Illinois was
raising to aid in the maintenance of the Federal government. On Aug. 17 he issued a proclama- tion to the people of
Illinois, stating that he had obtained per- mission from the secretary of war to accept all companies that offered
themselves for the three years' service, and announcing that all companies which should report themselves fully organ-
ized within twenty days from that date would be received; that orders for the transportation, sustenance and equipment
of troops had already been given, and that both equipments and arms of the best quality would be furnished at the
earliest pos- sible moment. The proclamation was eloquent and replete with patriotic feeling and it awakened
a hearty response in the hearts of the people of the state. The companies reported much faster than they could be
armed and equipped, and on Nov. 21 it was stated by authority that the state had 53,000 troops in the field or ready
for marching orders, of whom six regiments and two independent squadrons were cavalry. This was 8,600 more than her
quota. The number was subsequently largely increased and on Jan. 1, 1862, her force in actual service consid- erably
exceeded 60,000.
In the meantime a change was effected in the office of adju- tant-general. Col. Mather had for
some time signified his desire to go into active service, and he retired from the office on Nov. 11. He was appointed
colonel of the 2nd regiment of artillery, commissioned Feb. 2, 1862, and served through the war, being mustered out
as a brevet brigadier-general in 1865. At the time of his retirement from the adjutant-general's office, Gen. Allen
C. Fuller was urged to accept the responsible position, even if only temporarily. He acceded to the request and en- tered
upon the arduous and complicated duties of the post with marked industry and energy, and with a zeal born only of loyalty
— working for months at a time 16 hours a day.
The expenses incurred by the state during the year 1861 in
preparation for the war were nearly $5,000,000, of which the United States government would refund about $3,400,000,
besides the tax of Aug., 1861, which was assumed by the state, and which would amount to about $1,700,000.
Late
in the year, in accordance with a vote of the legislature, an election was held for delegates to a convention to revise
the constitution, 75 members being elected, of whom 45 were Demo- crats, 21 Republicans, 7 were classed as fusionists,
and 2 were doubtful. The convention met in Springfield Jan. 7, 1862, and continued in session nearly three months.
It was organized by the election of William A. Hacker as president, William M. Springer as secretary, John W. Merritt
as assistant-secretary, and John Schell as sergeant-at-arms. The leading Democratic members were William J. Allen,
ex-Gov. French, J. B. Under- wood, S.A. Buckmaster, Timothy R.Young, Anthony Thornton, H. M. Vandeever, John M. Woodson,
Melville W. Fuller, Albert G. Burr, O. B. Ficklin, B. S. Edwards, Alexander Starne, A. A. Glenn, J. W. Singleton,
Austin Brooks, Lewis W. Ross, John Dement, Julius Manning, H. K. S. Omelveny, A. D. Duff, N. H. Purple, Thomas W.
McNeeley and John P. Richmond. Among the leading Republicans were John Wentworth, Elliott Anthony, A. J. Joslyn, George
W. Pleasants, Alexander Campbell, Elisha P. Ferry, Luther W. Lawrence, S. B. Stinson, H. B. Childs, and W. W. Orme.
The proposed new constitution, as it was later submitted to the people of the state for their approval or rejection,
contained a number of provisions that are mentioned herein for the reason that they had to do with questions that were
in close relation to the war. The term of the office of gov- ernor was limited to two years instead of four, and soldiers
in the field were allowed to vote. The proposed constitution for- bade any negro or mulatto to migrate to or settle
in the state after its adoption. It provided that no negro or mulatto should have the right of suffrage or hold any
office in the state. It also con- tained the following addition to the Bill of Rights:
"Sec. 30. The people of
this State have the exclusive right of governing themselves, as a free, sovereign, and independent state, and do,
and forever shall, enjoy and exercise every power pertaining thereto, which is not, and may not hereafter be, by them,
expressly delegated to the United States of America, or prohibited to the state by the Constitution of the United States."
This expressed very clearly the views of the American people on the important question of State Rights, but, to
avoid even the slightest misunderstanding, the convention also inserted this section immediately after the preceding:
"Sec. 31. That the people of this state regard the Union of the states, under the Federal Constitution, as permanent
and indissoluble, from which no state has a constitutional right to withdraw or secede."
These two sections
embodied the principle and clearly defined the distinction between the State and the Federal governments, the preservation
of which has justified the beautiful expression in regard to this system that the States, under the Federal gov- ernment,
are, "distinct as the billows, yet one as the sea." In relation to negroes the constitution of the state had for some
years contained the following provision:
"Art. 14. The General Assembly shall at its first session under the
amended constitution pass such laws as will effectually pro- hibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling
in this state, and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them to this state for the purpose of
setting them free."
The proposed constitution was submitted to the electors of the state in June for their approval
or rejection, and some of its provisions were also submitted separately. The result of the vote of the people was
as follows:
For the new constitution, 125,050; against the new constitu- tion, 141,113; for the exclusion from
the state of negroes and mulattoes, 171,896; against the exclusion of negroes and mul- attoes, 71,306; against
granting the right of suffrage or office to negroes or mulattoes, 211,920; in favor of granting such rights to negroes,
etc., 35,649; for the enactment of laws to prevent negroes and mulattoes from going to and voting in the state, 198,938;
against the enactment of such laws, 44,414. Thus, while some of the provisions of the new constitution received a
majority of the votes cast and were thereby approved, the instrument entire was rejected.
On July 6 another call
was made for 300,000 additional vol- unteers, but the people were despondent and enlistments were at first slow and
half-hearted. Gov. Yates felt that the time had come for the nation to avail itself of the services of colored men
and slaves and believed that by offering this class proper inducements a strong diversion against the rebellion would
be made in the slave states. On July 11 he despatched an open letter to the president, urging him to summon all men
to the defense of the government, loyalty alone being the dividing line between the nation and its foes. His closing
words were: "In any event, Illinois will respond to your call; but adopt this policy, and she will spring like a flaming
giant into the fight."
On Aug. 5, such were the supposed necessities of the govern- ment, a call was issued
for 300,000 men to serve for nine months, any deficiency in response to which was to be filled through a draft. The
quota of Illinois on these two calls was 52,296, but as she had already furnished 16,198 men in excess of former quotas,
the claim was made that the total would only be 35,320. This claim, however, was not allowed by the government, and the
full number was insisted upon. The state was given until Sept. I to raise this number of men and thus avoid a draft. The
floating population had already been swept into the army; the new levies, therefore, must come from another class
— the per- manent, influential and prosperous citizens. The country was aroused as never before. Throughout
the state meetings were held, which were addressed by the governor and others. The patriotic furor was as intense
as it was contagious, all classes being affected and moved as by a common impulse. So spon- taneous was the response
to the president's calls that before eleven days had elapsed both quotas had been more than filled — a rally
to the country's standard as remarkable as it was unexampled in the world's history. Six of the new regiments organized
were sent to the field in August, twenty-two in Sep- tember, thirteen in October, fifteen in November, and three in
December, making an aggregate, with artillery, of fifty-nine regiments and four batteries, numbering 53,819 enlisted men
and officers. In addition to the above, 2,753 men were enlisted and sent to old regiments. With these and the
cavalry regi- ments organized, the whole number of enlistments under the two calls was 68,416, making a grand total
of 135,440 volunteers in the field at the close of the year 1862.
For the purpose of consulting in regard to the
general good and agreeing upon measures to be recommended for adoption, a meeting of the governors of the loyal states
was called by the executives of West Virginia, Pennsylvania and Ohio, to meet at Altoona, Pa., Sept. 24. Gov. Yates
was accompanied by state-officers Dubois and Hatch, Private-Secretary Moses and Gen. McClernand. There were also present,
Andrew G. Curtin of Pennsylvania; David Tod of Ohio; Francis H. Pierpont of West Virginia; John A. Andrew of Massachusetts;
Austin Blair of Michigan; Samuel J. Kirkwood of Iowa; Edward Salomon of Wisconsin; Augustus W. Bradford of Maryland;
Nathaniel S. Berry of New Hampshire; and William Sprague of Rhode Island. The conference was held with closed doors
and the discussions of the grave questions — conducted with the earnestness befitting the occasion — covered
a wide field, as was understood at the time, but no report of the proceedings was ever made public. The distinguished
party arrived in Washington on Sept. 26 and were received by the president at twelve o'clock. The confer- ence was
strictly private, the only person present not a member being the private secretary of Gov. Yates. The result of the conference
was decidedly beneficial to the country. The gov- ernors returned to their states with reassured hope, with con- victions
of the righteousness of the national cause intensified, and with reestablished confidence in the judgment and wisdom of
the president and his cabinet.
The only movement of importance in political affairs during 1862 related to the
choice of members of Congress and of the state legislature at an election held on Oct. 14. As usual, the questions
of national politics formed the issue of the election, and the respective parties, of which there were two, held their
conventions, nominated their candidates, and made their dec- larations of principles. As it is important only to show
the chief points of national interest upon which the two parties were divided at this election, reference is here
made to the resolu- tions relating to the war adopted by each convention. The Democratic state convention was held
Sept. 10, over forty coun- ties being unrepresented. The first resolution in the platform adopted placed the Democracy
squarely in favor of the war, and was as follows: "Resolved, that the constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof,
are and must remain the supreme law of the land; and as such must be preserved and maintained in their proper and
rightful supremacy; that the rebellion now in arms must be suppressed; and it is the duty of all good citi- zens
to aid the general government in all legal and constitutional measures, necessary and proper to the accomplishment of
this end." This was the position of war Democrats. The second resolution denounced "the doctrines of Southern and
Northern extremists as alike inconsistent with the Federal Constitution." In advance of the issuance of the proclamation
of emancipation it was declared that "we protest in the name of ourselves and of our children, and in the name of
all we hold dear, against the resolution of Congress pledging the nation to pay for all negroes which way be emancipated
by authority of any Southern states;" and that it was the duty of all good citizens to sustain the presi- dent against
the purpose of the radical Republicans, to induce him to "pervert the effort to suppress a wicked rebellion into a
war for the emancipation of slaves, and for the overthrow of the Constitution." They also declared against the entrance
of free negroes into the state; against the illegal arrest of citizens; and all unjust interference with the freedom
of speech and of the press.
The Republican convention assembled at Springfield, on Sept. 24, and in its declaration
of principles, the following resolutions appeared in relation to war issues:
"Whereas, the government of the United
States is now engaged in the suppression of a rebellion, the most causeless that has ever occurred in the history
of nations; and whereas the success- ful and immediate suppression of the same demands the united and hearty co-operation
of all loyal citizens, we, therefore, the Union men of the State of Illinois, do proclaim the following as the basis
of our action:
"Resolved, That we acknowledge but two divisions of the people of the United States in this crisis
— those who are loyal to its Constitution, and are ready to make every sacrifice for the integ- rity of the
Union and the maintenance of civil liberty within it, and those who openly or covertly endeavor to sever our country or
to yield to the insolent demands of its enemies — that we fraternize with the former and detest the latter; and
that, for- getting all our former party names and distinctions, we call upon all our patriotic citizens to rally for
one undivided country, one flag, one destiny.
"Resolved, That the preservation of constitutional liberty, the
integrity of American soil, and the memories of three-fourths of a century of peace and prosperity, such as before were
never exhibited in the world's history, demand the prosecution of this war to whatever extent it may be necessary,
or at whatever sacrifice may be required.
"Resolved, That we cordially endorse the proclamation of freedom
and confiscation of the president, issued Sept. 22, 1862, as a great and imperative war measure, essential to the salva-
tion of the Union; and we hereby pledge all truly loyal citizens to sustain him in its complete and faithful enforcement.
"Resolved, That all laws now in force, passed for the purpose of crippling the latent resources
of the rebellion, by confiscating the property of rebels, meet the hearty concurrence of this con- vention; and we
shall hold all officers, both civil and military, responsible for a strict and vigorous enforcement of the same.
"Resolved,
That the maintenance of the government and the preservation of national unity are the great end and purpose of the
present war, and to accomplish these the rights of person and property in all sections of the country should be subordinate.
"Resolved, That we admire and heartily commend the patri- otic and efficient aid rendered by loyal Democrats to
the present administration, while we deprecate the course of political leaders, representing party organization, in
finding fault with the ad- ministration in the prosecution of the war, while they studiously avoid being harsh toward
the conspirators of the South who are now attempting to sweep down the last vestige of constitu- tional liberty.
"Resolved,
That, while we are in favor of a system of direct taxation to any extent necessary to suppress the rebellion, main- tain
the public credit, and pay the interest on the national debt, we are, nevertheless, in favor of such modifications of
the present law as may be found necessary to make it equitable in its oper- ation.
"Resolved, That the governor
of this state, in his zealous and efficient labors to bring into the field the full quota of Illinois troops, and
in the effort he has made to provide our soldiers with things necessary for their comfort, when sick and wounded, deserves
and should receive the commendation and gratitude of the entire people of the State of Illinois.
"Resolved, That
the volunteers of this state who have so patri- otically perilled their lives in the defence of our common country are
entitled to the lasting gratitude of the people, and we hail with special delight their noble heroism exhibited on every
battlefield from the Potomac to the Kansas."
The preliminary proclamation of emancipation was not fa- vorably
received by the country generally, and many strong friends of the Union in Illinois regretted the step the president had
taken, some thinking he had not gone far enough and others that he had acted prematurely. The issuance of the proclama-
tion afforded opportunity for a large and influential faction to crystallize and concentrate their hostility to the
administration and to the prosecution of the war. While their opposition had previously been confined to a criticism
of the civil administration, including appointments, they eagerly seized upon this avowal of the president's policy
and made it the occasion for speaking more plainly and positively, alleging that the war was being waged for the subjugation
of the South and the abolition of slavery, and demanding that it should cease. Repugnance to a threatened draft, the
continued and increasing depreciation of the state currency, the low wages paid the soldiers, the presi- dent's proposition
of compensated emancipation, the uncer- tainty of the final outcome of the war, were reasons urged at the October
election in Illinois with much plausibility and de- cided effect against the party in power. The result was all that the
opposition could have wished. The Republican vote was 120,116; the Democratic vote was 136,662; a Democratic major- ity
of 16,546.
The revolution of the ballot in Illinois was complete. The Democrats not only elected their state officers,
but they also secured 11 of the 14 members of Congress, and carried the legis- lature by a majority of 1 in the
senate and 28 in the house.
The number of regiments sent by the state into the service of the United States to
the close of 1862, was 130 of infantry, sixteen of cavalry, and two regiments and seven batteries of artillery, the
state having promptly furnished the troops called for by the Federal government without any drafting.
The general
assembly convened on Jan. 5, 1863. Samuel A. Buckmaster of Madison county was elected speaker of the house, and his
remarks on taking the chair sounded the keynote of the proceedings to follow. Among other things, he said: "I trust that
you will feel it your duty to enter the solemn protest of the people of Illinois against the impolicy and imbecility which,
after such heroic and long-continued sacrifices, still leaves this unholy rebellion not only not subdued, but without
any imme- diate prospect of termination, and I trust that your action may have a potent influence in restoring to
our distracted country the peace and union of by-gone days."
On the evening of the day the legislature convened
a large and enthusiastic meeting of those opposed to the administration was held in the hall of the house for the
purpose of hearing from the several Democratic candidates for the United States senate. A resolution was unanimously
adopted declaring "That the emancipation proclamation of the president is as unwarrant- able in military as in civil
law, a gigantic usurpation, at once converting the war, professedly commenced by the administra- tion for the vindication
of the authority of the constitution, into the crusade of the sudden, unconditional, and violent liberation of 3,000,000
of negro slaves; a result which would not only be a total subversion of the Federal Union, but a revolution in the social
organization of the Southern states. * * * The proc- lamation invites servile insurrection as an element in this eman-
cipation crusade, a means of warfare, the inhumanity and dia- bolism of which are without example in civilized warfare,
and which we denounce, and which the civilized world will denounce,, as an ineffaceable disgrace to the American name."
Gov. Yates, in his message delivered on the next day, made a full report of the part taken by Illinois in the
war, including provision made for the sick and wounded and amounts expended therefor. He also discussed the overshadowing
issues of the war, insisting upon the patriotic duty of every citizen to stand by the government to the last. He justified
the attitude of the administration by the following arguments: "After years of deliberate premeditation and secret
preparation, they (the states in rebellion) perpetrated the act of secession, denied their allegiance to the constitution,
set up an independent government^ despoiled the nation of its money, its arms and munitions of war, seized upon our
forts, insulted our flag, fired upon our sol- diers at Sumter, plunged our hitherto peaceful people into a sanguinary,
fratricidal war, filled every homestead with grief, and covered the land with 200,000 fresh-made graves." He defended
the proclamation of emancipation, expressing views in advance even of those of the president. He said, "but now the
necessity of emancipation is forced upon us by the inevitable events of the war and is made constitutional by the act
of the rebels themselves; and the only road out of this war is by blows aimed at the heart of the rebellion, in the
entire demolition of the evil which is the cause of all our present fearful complica- tions. * * * The rebellion,
which was designed to perpetuate slavery and plant it upon an enduring basis, is now, under a righteous providence,
being made the instrument to destroy it. * * * I demand the removal of slavery. In the name of my country, whose peace
it has disturbed, and which it has plunged into civil war; in the name of the heroes it has slain; in the name of
justice, whose highest tribunals it has corrupted and prostituted to its basest ends and purposes; in the name of Washington
and Jefferson, and all the old patriots who struggled round about the camps of liberty, and who looked forward to its
early extinction; in the name of progress, civilization and liberty; and in the name of God Himself, I demand the utter
and entire demolition of this heaven-cursed wrong of human bondage." Continuing, he said: "The secessionists have
hoped for success on three grounds: First, upon our supposed inferior valor; second, upon foreign aid; and third,
upon a divided North. The two first have failed them. They now despair of any for- eign intervention and on many battle
fields the cool bravery of our northern troops has proved an overmatch for the fiery, impetuous valor of the South.
But can I truthfully say that their strongest hope and main reliance, a divided North, has failed them?" Proceeding
to amplify this danger, he remarked: "When the North shall present an undivided front— a stem and unfaltering
purpose to exhaust every available means to suppress the rebellion, then the last strong prop of the latter will have
fallen from under it and it will succumb and be for peace. Should division mark our counsels, or any considerable portion
of our people give signs of hesitation, then a shout of exultation will go up throughout all the hosts of rebellion, and
bonfires and illuminations be kindled in every southern city, hailing our divisions as the sure harbingers of their
success. Can we," he continued, "consent to send a keen and fatal pang to the heart of every Illinois soldier, now
fighting for his country, by ill-timed party-strife at home?" Speaking of the appeals which were made in some newspapers
for a separation from New England, he said, "Not a drop of New England blood courses in my veins. * * * propose not
to be the eulogist of New England, but she is indissolubly bound to us by all the bright memories of the past, by
all the glory of the present, by all our hopes of the future. I shall always glory in the fact that I belong to a
republic in the galaxy of whose shining stars New England's is among the brightest and best. Palsied be the hand that
would sever the ties which bind the East and West." Several resolutions on the subject of the rebellion were pre- sented
to the legislature on Feb. 4 and 5. The preamble to these resolutions, after denouncing the suspension of the writ of
habeas corpus and the arrest of citizens not subject to military law, declared that "The attempted enforcement of compensated
emancipation, the proposed taxation of the laboring white man to purchase the freedom and secure the elevation of
the negro; the transportation of negroes into the state of Illinois in defiance of the repeatedly expressed will of
the people; the arrest and imprisonment of the representatives of a free and sovereign state; the dismemberment of
the state of Virginia, erecting within her boundaries a new state, without the consent of her legislature, are, each
and all, arbitrary and unconstitutional, a usurpation of the legislative functions and a suspension of the judicial
departments of the state and federal governments, subverting the constitution — state and federal — invading
the reserved rights of the people and the sovereignty of the states, and, if sanctioned, destructive of the Union;
establishing upon the common ruins of the liberties of the people and the sover- eignty of the state a consolidated
military despotism."
Advance to
Source: The Union Army, vol. 3
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