15th Amendment, Bill of Rights, U.S. Constitution
Proposal and Ratification
# |
State
| Date
| |
1 |
Nevada
| Mar 1, 1869
| |
2 |
West Virginia
| Mar 3, 1869
| |
3 |
Illinois
| Mar 5, 1869
| |
4 |
Louisiana
| Mar 5, 1869
| |
6 |
Michigan
| Mar 5, 1869
| |
5 |
North Carolina
| Mar 5, 1869
| |
7 |
Wisconsin
| Mar 5, 1869
| |
8 |
Maine
| Mar 11, 1869
| |
9 |
Massachusetts
| Mar 12, 1869
| |
10 |
Arkansas
| Mar 15, 1869
| |
11 |
South Carolina
| Mar 15, 1869
| |
12 |
Pennsylvania
| Mar 25, 1869
| |
13 |
New York
| Apr 14, 1869
| |
14 |
Indiana
| May 14, 1869
| |
15 |
Connecticut
| May 19, 1869
| |
16 |
Florida
| Jun 14, 1869
| |
17 |
New Hampshire
| Jul 1, 1869
| |
18 |
Virginia
| Oct 8, 1869
| |
19 |
Vermont
| Oct 20, 1869
| |
20 |
Alabama
| Nov 16, 1869
| |
21 |
Missouri
| Jan 7, 1870
| |
22 |
Minnesota
| Jan 13, 1870
| |
23 |
Mississippi
| Jan 17, 1870
| |
24 |
Rhode Island
| Jan 18, 1870
| |
25 |
Kansas
| Jan 19, 1870
| |
26 |
Ohio
| Jan 27, 1870
| |
27 |
Georgia
| Feb 2, 1870
| |
28 |
Iowa
| Feb 3, 1870
| |
29 |
Nebraska
| Feb 17, 1870
| |
30 |
Texas
| Feb 18, 1870
| |
31 |
New Jersey
| Feb 15, 1871
| |
32 |
Delaware
| Feb 12, 1901
| |
33 |
Oregon
| Feb 24, 1959
| |
34 |
California
| Apr 3, 1962
| |
35 |
Maryland
| May 7, 1973
| |
36 |
Kentucky
| Mar 18, 1976
| |
37 |
Tennessee
| April 8, 1997 |
Sources: Library of Congress (Primary Documents in American History); U.S. Constitution Online; National
Archives
Recommended Reading:
The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction.
Review:
"The Bill of Rights stands as the high temple of our constitutional order--America's
Parthenon--and yet we lack a clear view of it," Akhil Reed Amar writes in his introduction to The Bill of Rights. "Instead
of being studied holistically, the Bill has been broken up ... with each segment examined in isolation." With The Bill of
Rights, Amar aims to put the pieces back together and take a longer view of a document few Americans truly understand. Part
history of the Bill, part analysis of the Founding Fathers' intentions, this book provides a unique interpretation of the
Constitution. Continued below...
It is Amar's
hypothesis that, contrary to popular belief, the Bill of Rights was not originally constructed to protect the minority against
the majority, but rather to empower popular majorities. It wasn't until 19th-century post-Civil War reconstruction and the
introduction of the 14th Amendment that the notion of individual rights took hold. Prior to that, the various amendments to
the Constitution that make up the Bill of Rights were more about the structure of government and designed to protect citizens
against a self-interested regime. Yet so great has
been the impact of the 14th Amendment on modern legal thought that the Bill's original intentions have almost been forgotten.
Through skillful interpretation and solid research, Amar both reconstructs the original thinking of the Founding Fathers and
chronicles the radical changes that have occurred since the inclusion of the 14th Amendment in the Bill of Rights. The results
make for provocative reading no matter where you stand on the political spectrum.
Recommended Reading: Origins of the Bill of Rights
(Yale Contemporary Law Series). Library Journal: Constitutional historian Levy, author
of 36 books concerning American politics and constitutional issues (e.g., The Palladium of Justice: Origins of Trial by Jury),
provides a systematic and comprehensive analysis of the origins of the Bill of Rights and other constitutional provisions
that protect rights. Continued below...
His historical analysis frames fundamental principles of "liberty" and "rights" by interpreting each of
the first nine amendments to the Constitution and demonstrating differences between 18th-century American ideals and English
common-law practice. His informative arguments in this important work concern nature and the sources of the Bill of Rights
within American democracy, providing understanding for both scholars and citizens. Levy's approach to these controversial
values, which protect the rights of the people, will be the source of future legal and public discussion. A significant contribution
to understanding the Bill of Rights; highly recommended.
Recommended Viewing: Slavery and the Making of America (240 minutes),
Starring: Morgan Freeman; Director: William R. Grant. Description: Acclaimed actor Morgan Freeman narrates this compelling documentary, which features a score by Michael Whalen.
Underscoring how slavery impacted the growth of this country's Southern and Northern states; the series examines issues still
relevant today. The variety of cultures from which the slaves originated provided the budding states with a multitude of skills
that had a dramatic effect on the diverse communities. From joining the British in the Revolutionary War, to fleeing to Canada, to joining rebel communities in the U.S.
the slaves sought freedom in many ways, ultimately having a far-reaching effect on the new hemisphere they were forced to
inhabit. AWARDED 5 STARS by americancivilwarhistory.org
Recommended Reading: Lincoln
and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America
(Simon & Schuster) (February 5, 2008) (Hardcover). Description: In 1858, Abraham Lincoln was known as a successful Illinois
lawyer who had achieved some prominence in state politics as a leader in the new Republican Party. Two years later, he was
elected president and was on his way to becoming the greatest chief executive in American history. What carried this one-term
congressman from obscurity to fame was the campaign he mounted for the United States Senate against the country's most formidable
politician, Stephen A. Douglas, in the summer and fall of 1858. Lincoln challenged Douglas
directly in one of his greatest speeches -- "A house divided against itself cannot stand" -- and confronted Douglas on the
questions of slavery and the inviolability of the Union in seven fierce debates. As this
brilliant narrative by the prize-winning Lincoln scholar Allen Guelzo dramatizes, Lincoln would emerge a predominant national figure, the leader of his
party, the man who would bear the burden of the national confrontation. Continued below...
Of course,
the great issue between Lincoln and Douglas was slavery. Douglas was the champion of "popular sovereignty," of letting states and territories decide
for themselves whether to legalize slavery. Lincoln drew a
moral line, arguing that slavery was a violation both of natural law and of the principles expressed in the Declaration of
Independence. No majority could ever make slavery right, he argued. Lincoln lost that Senate
race to Douglas, though he came close to toppling the "Little Giant," whom almost everyone
thought was unbeatable. Guelzo's Lincoln and Douglas brings alive their debates and this whole year of campaigns and underscores
their centrality in the greatest conflict in American history. The encounters between Lincoln and Douglas engage a key question
in American political life: What is democracy's purpose? Is it to satisfy the desires of the majority? Or is it to achieve
a just and moral public order? These were the real questions in 1858 that led to the Civil War. They remain questions for
Americans today.
Recommended
Reading: A Short History of Reconstruction.
Review: In an attempt to document the important issues
of reconstruction, Eric Foner compiled his book Reconstruction: America's
Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. Foner addresses all the major issues leading up reconstruction, and then finishing his book
shortly after the end of reconstruction and the election of Rutherford B. Hayes in 1876.
In the preface of his book, Foner discusses the historiography of Reconstruction. He notes that during the early part
of the twentieth century many historians considered Reconstruction as one of the darkest periods of American history. Foner
notes that this viewpoint changed during the 1960s as revisionists shed new "light" on reconstruction. The revisionists saw
Andrew Johnson as a stubborn racist, and viewed the Radical Republicans as "idealistic reformers genuinely committed to black
rights." The author notes that recent studies of reconstruction argue that the Radicals were actually quite conservative,
and most Radicals held on to their racist views and put up very little fight as the whites once again began to govern the
south. Continued below...
Foner initially
describes the African-American experience during the Civil War and Reconstruction. He argues that African-Americans were not
simply figures that took little or no action in the events of the day, and notes the enlistment of thousands of African-Americans
in the Union army during the war. Foner also notes that many of the African-Americans that eventually became civil leaders
had at one time served in the Union Army. He states, "For men of talent and ambition, the army flung open a door to advancement
and respectability." He notes that as reconstruction progressed, African-Americans were the targets of violence and racism. Foner
believes that the transition of slaves into free laborers and equal citizens was the most drastic example of change following
the end of the war. He notes how African-Americans were eventually forced to return to the plantations, not as slaves but
as share croppers, and were thus introduced to a new form of slavery. He argues that this arrangement introduced a new class
structure to the South, and states "It was an economic transformation that would culminate, long after the end of Reconstruction,
in the consolidation of a rural proletariat composed of a new owning class of planters and merchants, itself subordinate to
Northern financiers and industrialists.” The author illustrates how both blacks and whites struggled to use the state
and local governments to develop their own interests and establish their respective place in the evolving social orders. Another
theme that he addresses in this excellent study is racism itself and the interconnection of race and class in the South. Another
subject he addresses is the expanded presence of federal authority, as well as a growing idea and commitment to the idea that
equal rights belonged to all citizens, regardless of race. Foner shows how both Northern and Southern blacks embraced the
power to vote, and, as Reconstruction ended, many blacks saw the loss of suffrage and the loss of freedom. Foner illustrates
that because the presence of blacks at the poll threatened the established traditions, corruption increased, which helped
to undermine the support for Reconstruction. The former leaders of the Confederacy were barred from political office, who
were the regions "natural leaders," a reversal of sympathies took place which portrayed the Southern whites as victims, and
blacks unfit to exercise suffrage. Reconstruction affected the North as well, but argues that it was obviously less revolutionary
than it was in the South. Foner notes that a new group of elites surfaced after the war, industrialists and railroad entrepreneurs
emerged as powerful and influential leaders alongside the former commercial elite. The Republicans in the North did attempt
to improve the lives of Northern blacks. However, there were far fewer blacks in the North, so it was more difficult for blacks
to have their agendas and needs addressed in the local legislatures. He states, "Most Northern blacks remained trapped in
inferior housing and menial and unskilled jobs." Foner adds that the few jobs blacks were able to acquire were constantly
being challenged by the huge influx of European immigrants. Foner's subject is definitely worthy of his original volume. Reconstruction
is a subject that can still be interpreted in several ways, including the revisionist school of thought. Foner, however, seems
to be as objective as possible on this subject, and has fairly addressed all major issues that apply.
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